Election analysis is a whole industry.
It has already started with exit polls and in the weeks to come
political scientists will refine the numbers and tell us how a long
list of demographic groups voted. Why they voted as they did is
another subject but neither analysis will provide many surprises.
Issues commonly associated with liberal or conservative philosophies
will be reflected in ethnic, gender and socioeconomic groups of
voters as in previous elections. Economic conditions can override
these tendencies and conventional electoral wisdom has always
declared that a terrible economy spells defeat for an incumbent.
Herbert Hoover is the historic standard for this belief and Jimmy
Carter and George H.W. Bush confirmed it.
So in the context of the “Great
Recession” and by historic standards, Obama should have been easily
defeated. But obviously there was a fundamental difference in this
election. What was expected by Republicans to be a referendum on
Obama's performance in handling an economy in crisis produced a close
election but failed to provide the expected result.
The difference
is reflected in the candidates themselves, the makeup of the
electorate and the ever growing influence of the internet. This
year's election pitted the first black President against the first
Mormon candidate. With an electorate that is made up of an ever
larger percentage of racial minorities, primarily Hispanic and black,
a candidate who is both a member of a minority group and has already
achieved the nation's highest office has an undeniable appeal to
minority voters. In the case of blacks, this “identity voting”
is virtually 100%. While blacks have historically given strong
support to the Democrat Party, voting participation has been low.
Obama changed that first as a black candidate in 2008 and again as
President this year.
Hispanics are the fastest growing
ethnic voting bloc whose minority status also created a definite
advantage for Obama but also reflected a more significant trend in
electoral politics, that of disparate groups energized by narrow
interests rather than broad ideological philosophy or understanding
or interest in issues of long term nationwide importance. These
issues included strategies for economic recovery which again, should
have been decisive in the election. Instead, while few people are
truly single issue voters, many placed a high priority on such issues
as abortion, gay marriage, gun control, the goals of organized labor
and global warming.
As an example, the Hispanic cohort, was
largely energized by immigration reform strategies which for them,
diminished the impact of the economic downturn as an election issue.
This is not to say that voters who were heavily influenced by these
specific issues were not concerned about the economy. However,
identifying with a highly partisan interest influences one's
interpretation of economic issues and biases one's choice of
candidates and thus that candidate's solution for economic problems.
The support of these narrow interests are given extra strength by the
huge number of organizations which promote them and contribute to the
diluted the focus on economic issues by many voters. The importance
of ethnic orientations in this election was especially important with
respect to the Electoral College in New Mexico, Colorado, Nevada,
Pennsylvania and Florida.
The other side of the coin in terms of
the economic issue was the candidacy of Romney itself. While Romney
ran against Obama's record, Obama ran against Romney personally. The
New York Times reports that early on, in terms of campaign strategy,
“The choice was made. The onetime campaign of hope and change soon
began a sustained advertising assault that cast Romney as a heartless
executive, a man who willingly fires people and is disconnected from
how average Americans live their lives — an approach reinforced by
Romney’s mistakes along the way.”
Thus the major theme of Obama;s
campaign was that Romney couldn't be trusted to fix the economy
because of his great wealth and his background in a successful
private investment company. In essence, Romney was demonized for
being successful and it was implied that his success included
anti-social, anti-American, and even dishonest business and tax
procedures. While none of this was true, an electorate which
included large numbers of financially distressed and threatened
individuals provided fertile ground for its angry class warfare
message. People wanted some one to blame and Obama's “millionaires
and billionaires”, “corporate jets”, “one percent” rhetoric
offered an easy target and successfully avoided the “Hoover
syndrome”.
Romney never stimulated significant
enthusiasm as the Republican candidate. He was essentially the
default candidate chosen in a long and contentious nomination battle
from what seemed like an audition for Saturday Night Live skits
featuring strange behavior, revelations and blunders by Cain,
Bachmann, Gingrich, Perry and Santorum, all of whom accomplished
nothing except to lay the groundwork of criticism of Romney for the
Obama campaign. The primary campaign forced Romney, a pragmatic,
center-right moderate to move to more doctrinaire conservative
positions on social and economic issues. Moving back towards the
center by necessity in the presidential campaign exposed him to
charges of “flip flopping”, and a lack of core principles.
Romney's economic message was blunted,
Obama's lack of leadership and few flawed initiatives were
successfully glossed over. The “mainstream media and the liberal
blogosphere succeeded in solidifying the Obama campaign's message.
Thirty-three percent of voters interviewed said Bush was responsible
for the bad economy. Another thirty- three percent claimed that the
“rich were greedy”.
The next four years are hard to predict
because of unforeseen events which will certainly impact policies but
if the old formula “Past as prologue” is any clue, Obama's first
term is instructive.
Obama is spending reduction averse.
Most government spending provides benefits to someone, usually to
lower socioeconomic groups since there are few “programs” for the
middle and upper classes. This fits his “redistribution”
orientation and his “don't balance the budget on the backs of the
poor” demagoguery. Expecting a new approach based on fiscal
discipline is unrealistic. He also seems to be committed to
increased spending on “infrastructure”, i.e. roads, bridges,
“green technology” and education i.e. hiring more teachers. Thus
any spending reduction proposals are most probable in defense, which
will be opposed by the Republican controlled House of
Representatives.
The looming across the board
“sequester” which requires large cuts in spending but are spread
out over ten years, are already stimulating cries for modification.
Future budget proposals from the Administration will probably
continue to include trillion dollar annual deficits and it will
continue to emphasize tax increases as the remedy for deficits. The
economy will probably continue it's cyclical improvement, although
slowly, as consumer demand will be affected by population growth more
than dramatic employment improvements and as the housing/construction
markets absorb large inventories. As foreign trading partners
continue to suffer the consequences of their own recessions, U.S.
exports will remain diminished thus affecting jobs numbers and
economic growth.
Real tax reform will be grid locked,
although some compromise on the so called “fiscal cliff” which
commences on January 1, 2013 w ill probably be forthcoming
for reasons of political expediency on the part of both parties. The
“Bush tax cuts” expire on that date which corresponds with the
“sequester” spending cuts. Significant tax increases would
present political problems relevant to the 2014 Congressional
elections. Tax increases and un-targeted across the board spending
cuts could take so much money out of the economy that the slow growth
could stop or slide backward into another round of recession.
As Obama said in his famous “hot
mike” comment to Russian Prime Minister Medvedev, after the
election he will have “more flexibility”, since he won't be
politically accountable. The question remains, in what direction
will his new flexibility take him? Will he move further to the
Left and pursue a greater role for government in both the economic
and social spheres with more redistribution, more regulation, and
more social engineering? Or will he move more to the center and seek
less ideological and more pragmatic solutions to the economic
problems facing the country? Either way this historically expensive
and divisive election will make governing more difficult than ever
and seems to confirm the journey away from civil discourse, reasoned
policy oriented debate and a sense of underlying common values which
is the bond which holds a society together.
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